LIVE DISPATCH
• Securing India's Digital Frontiers: Cybersecurity Challenges and Strategic Responses in the Age of Hybrid Warfare • Beyond Consultation: BIMSTEC's Emerging Role in Regional Intelligence and Security Cooperation • Prism of Dragon’s Maritime Assertiveness: Regional Implications and India’s Strategic Options • Between the Desert and the Savannah: Conflict and the Political Economy of Instability in the Sahel • The Architecture of Cooperation: Navigating East Asia's Geopolitical Landscape • The Politics of Ali Khamenei's Funeral • From Civil Nuclear Power to Nuclear Hedging: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Emerging Nuclear Security Dilemma in the Middle East • Operation Sindoor and the Changing Dynamics of India–Pakistan Security • The Invisible Front: China-Pakistan Grey-Zone Operations • Generative AI, Labour Sovereignty, and the Geoeconomics of India's Service Economy • India's Agentic AI Strategy Needs Authority Budgets before Autonomy Scales • India's AI Diplomacy and the Future of Strategic Technologies • From Physical Borders to Intelligent Borders: The Evolution of India's Border Security Architecture • Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems and the Governance Deficit: Challenges to International Humanitarian Law and Accountability • AI Driven Cyberwarfare and National Security • Great Power Rivalry and the Crisis of the United Nations • The Continuing U.S. Regime-Change Toolkit: Color Revolutions, Political Influence, and Vietnam • Ten Years After Brexit: Regret, Reform, or Reversal? • Digital Pathways to Extremism: An Investigative Study of ISIS and Al-Qaeda's Use of Digital Platforms in India • Sports, Strategy and Statecraft of Mega Sporting Events as Geoeconomic Instruments: Qatar 2022 to Saudi Arabia 2034 • Strategic Autonomy in the Age of Weaponised Interdependence: India’s Geopolitical Dilemma • Hardening the Quad: From Strategic Dialogue to Operational Cooperation • China’s Grey-Zone Strategy in the Indian Ocean: Implications for India’s Maritime Security • The Maghreb of States: Identity, Sovereignty, and the Limits of Non-Interference • Europe’s Digital Dependence: Can the EU Achieve Strategic Autonomy? • Beyond the Battlefield: Understanding Unconventional Security Challenges in Contemporary Geopolitics • Cuba’s Economic Crisis and Strategic Relevance: A Peripheral State in Renewed Great Power Competition • Trapped in Deterrence: Nuclear Stability and the Persistence of Conflict in South Asia • Loss and Damage Finance: From COP28 Pledges to Policy Architecture • Extended Deterrence Under Strain: Credibility, Assurance, and the Stability-Instability Paradox in the Indo-Pacific • Maritime India: Security, Trade, and Great Power Competition • Beyond Ukraine: Understanding Putin's Vision of Russian Power • Silicon Sovereignty: How Semiconductors Are Redrawing Global Power Hierarchies • The Negative Impact of US–Iran War on the Pacific Region • BRICS Expansion and the Multipolar Moment: Opportunity or Strategic Contradiction? • Foot-Dragging as Feminism: Iran, South Korea, and the Ungovernable Body • Beyond Proximity: Why the UAE Occupies a Growing Place in Iran’s Strategic Calculus • Why Fiji Matters: The New Geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific Islands • The Long Shadow of 1953: Understanding the Iran–US Conflict • Border Fencing and National security: India’s Strategy along the Bangladesh Border • Securing India's Digital Frontiers: Cybersecurity Challenges and Strategic Responses in the Age of Hybrid Warfare • Beyond Consultation: BIMSTEC's Emerging Role in Regional Intelligence and Security Cooperation • Prism of Dragon’s Maritime Assertiveness: Regional Implications and India’s Strategic Options • Between the Desert and the Savannah: Conflict and the Political Economy of Instability in the Sahel • The Architecture of Cooperation: Navigating East Asia's Geopolitical Landscape • The Politics of Ali Khamenei's Funeral • From Civil Nuclear Power to Nuclear Hedging: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Emerging Nuclear Security Dilemma in the Middle East • Operation Sindoor and the Changing Dynamics of India–Pakistan Security • The Invisible Front: China-Pakistan Grey-Zone Operations • Generative AI, Labour Sovereignty, and the Geoeconomics of India's Service Economy • India's Agentic AI Strategy Needs Authority Budgets before Autonomy Scales • India's AI Diplomacy and the Future of Strategic Technologies • From Physical Borders to Intelligent Borders: The Evolution of India's Border Security Architecture • Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems and the Governance Deficit: Challenges to International Humanitarian Law and Accountability • AI Driven Cyberwarfare and National Security • Great Power Rivalry and the Crisis of the United Nations • The Continuing U.S. Regime-Change Toolkit: Color Revolutions, Political Influence, and Vietnam • Ten Years After Brexit: Regret, Reform, or Reversal? • Digital Pathways to Extremism: An Investigative Study of ISIS and Al-Qaeda's Use of Digital Platforms in India • Sports, Strategy and Statecraft of Mega Sporting Events as Geoeconomic Instruments: Qatar 2022 to Saudi Arabia 2034 • Strategic Autonomy in the Age of Weaponised Interdependence: India’s Geopolitical Dilemma • Hardening the Quad: From Strategic Dialogue to Operational Cooperation • China’s Grey-Zone Strategy in the Indian Ocean: Implications for India’s Maritime Security • The Maghreb of States: Identity, Sovereignty, and the Limits of Non-Interference • Europe’s Digital Dependence: Can the EU Achieve Strategic Autonomy? • Beyond the Battlefield: Understanding Unconventional Security Challenges in Contemporary Geopolitics • Cuba’s Economic Crisis and Strategic Relevance: A Peripheral State in Renewed Great Power Competition • Trapped in Deterrence: Nuclear Stability and the Persistence of Conflict in South Asia • Loss and Damage Finance: From COP28 Pledges to Policy Architecture • Extended Deterrence Under Strain: Credibility, Assurance, and the Stability-Instability Paradox in the Indo-Pacific • Maritime India: Security, Trade, and Great Power Competition • Beyond Ukraine: Understanding Putin's Vision of Russian Power • Silicon Sovereignty: How Semiconductors Are Redrawing Global Power Hierarchies • The Negative Impact of US–Iran War on the Pacific Region • BRICS Expansion and the Multipolar Moment: Opportunity or Strategic Contradiction? • Foot-Dragging as Feminism: Iran, South Korea, and the Ungovernable Body • Beyond Proximity: Why the UAE Occupies a Growing Place in Iran’s Strategic Calculus • Why Fiji Matters: The New Geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific Islands • The Long Shadow of 1953: Understanding the Iran–US Conflict • Border Fencing and National security: India’s Strategy along the Bangladesh Border
Conflict January 15, 2025 7088 Reads

The Killing Fields of Kurram

P
By Prashant Singh
Author • Centre for Security & Strategic Studies
The Killing Fields of Kurram
Share Analysis:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & STRATEGIC TAKEAWAYS

The Kurram district of Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province has been shaken by sectarian clashes between Sunni and Shia tribes, claiming over 100 lives. What began as a land dispute quickly spiraled into a violent conflict, exposing the region's deep-seated historical, geographical, and socio-political fault lines. This article explores the roots, consequences, and possible resolutions to this tragic and multifaceted crisis.

ADVERTISEMENT

The recent sectarian clashes between Sunni and Shia tribes in Pakistan's Kurram district of north-western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces, which claimed the lives of more than 100 people, have shocked the nation and the region.1 Initially started as a land dispute, the feud soon snowballed into a sectarian and inter-tribal conflict, which exposed the multiple fault lines of the region ravaged by decades of war and great power politics.2

Leftovers of history

Kurram, originally part of the Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA), lies in the Pashtun belt, divided between Afghanistan and the British Empire through the Durand line drawn in 1893.3 Britishers, whose main interest in the region lies in checkmating Tsarist Russia, adopted a light-touch approach in the region by granting autonomy to the tribes under the Frontier Crime regulations.4 Consequently, the socio-economic and political modernization that penetrated the rest of British India never reached the Pashtun tribal belts. Pakistan, which became the successor state of the British empire in 1947, continued the practice of “non-interference” in the tribal region in return for the loyalty of Pashtuns.5 The land dispute, which is the proximal cause of current bloodshed, is the result of treating tribal areas as “ungoverned regions.”6

The tragedy of Geography

The location of Kurram is unique since it is adjacent to the P2K (Paktia, Paktika, and Khost) belt in Afghanistan and, hence, lies closer to Kabul than any other major city in Pakistan. Within Kurram, both Shias and Sunnis are concentrated in a sharp demarcation of north and south, respectively.7 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, which brought this region to the forefront of Afghan Jihad, accentuated the sectarian conflict in the region by transforming the erstwhile inclusive Pashtun identity into Shia and Sunni Muslims. Subsequent events like the post-9/11 “war on terror” have further exacerbated the sectarian gulf in the tribal belt and led to a proliferation of extremist organizations like Sipah-e-Sahaba8 Pakistan and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamat,9 which mainly targeted Shia minorities. Kurram also got dragged into the Syrian civil war when Iran-backed Shia militia group Liwa Zainebiyoun started recruiting from the region to fight Salafis.10 11 As a result of these developments, the whole Pashtun tribal belt across the Durand line became a proxy battleground of various sectarian and extremist groups, which destroyed the traditional social fabric and institutions.

Securitization over security

Since 1947, the Punjabi-Mohajir elite of Pakistan has faced a dilemma regarding the Pashtun tribal belt. On the one hand, the continuation of the British policy of “non-interference” was essential to curb the Pashtun irredentism;12 on the other hand, the region's strategic location makes it an ideal staging ground for operationalizing the “strategic depth” doctrine.13 This duality has led to an over-securitized approach of the Pakistan state in the tribal belt at the expense of human security. This has weakened the state's writ in the tribal belt and impedes basic socio-economic reforms like digitizing land records. As a result, even reconciliatory initiatives like the 2008 Muree accords between Shia and Sunni groups have failed to make any impact.14 The 2017 historic merger of FATA with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which was expected to usher in the long-awaited modernization of the tribal belt, is yet to bear fruit due to lackluster governance by PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf), which has been ruling KP for more than a decade.15 Frontier Corps, which has been deployed in the tribal belt after the withdrawal of the military, has failed to win the trust of the tribals, which has caused a security vacuum at a time when the Pashtuns are feeling squeezed between Afghan Taliban and TTP (Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan).16

Road to reconciliation

Ever since the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan in 2021 and the fall of Imran Khan's government in 2022, the Pashtun tribal belts have been caught in a political quagmire.17 18 While US withdrawal has downgraded the international attention on the region, PTI rule in KP has put the province at loggerheads with the Shehbaz Sharif-led coalition government of PML-N and PPP. Political repression of PTI by the military establishment and the Shehbaz Sharif government has caused governance fragmentation in the KP at a time when militancy is again gaining ground. Another area that needs urgent attention is the justice delivery system. Many of these feuds result from the collapse of traditional authority and the state's failure to fill the vacuum. Sartaz Aziz's committee recommendations on FATA reforms can act as a blueprint for the state agenda in this context.19 The chaos in FATA is a tragic symptom of larger malice in Pakistan of poor governance, civil-military discord, and rising sectarianism and fundamentalism in the society. Although the Kurram tragedy needs special attention, the long-term solution lies in a holistic approach rather than various actors working in silos. This needs a more tolerant approach on behalf of the military establishment to accommodate voices from the ground like Manzoor Pashteen led Pashtun Tahafuz Movement. Kurram's bloodbath occurred at a time when PTI supporters were demonstrating in Islamabad for the release of Imran Khan, due to which this whole tragedy was unable to get the media attention it deserved. Hence it is imperative that Kurram doesn’t become another “forgotten conflict” lest it will get repeated.

Footnotes:

  1. https://www.voanews.com/a/sectarian-violence-in-pakistan-border-district-claims-more-than-130-lives/7884594.html
  2. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/8/2/kurram-clashes-how-a-pakistani-land-dispute-led-to-a-deadly-tribal-battle
  3. https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/170887/Durand%20Line_History%20Legality%20%20Future_Final.pdf
  4. https://portal.mohr.gov.pk/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/Civil-Political-And-Economic-Rights-Balochistan-Frontier-Murderous-Outrages-Regulation-1901.pdf
  5. https://nps.edu/documents/105988371/107571254/FATA_history.pdf/dddf8925-b965-4624-807b-c89f688b81fe
  6. https://jns.scholar.princeton.edu/sites/g/files/toruqf2751/files/jns/files/cgrs_2018_choosing_ungoverned_space.pdf
  7. https://ecp.gov.pk/storage/files/3/NA-46%20by%20Abdul%20Qadir%20Khan.pdf
  8. https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2014/03/04/PAK103247.E.pdf
  9. https://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/ssp.htm
  10. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20240425-the-interesting-timing-of-pakistans-zainebiyoun-designation-amid-iran-israel-standoff/
  11. https://jamestown.org/program/the-zainabiyoun-brigade-a-pakistani-shiite-militia-amid-the-syrian-conflict/
  12. https://capsindia.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/2-Tilak-Devasher.pdf
  13. https://www.usiofindia.org/publication-journal/pakistans-strategic-depth-2.html
  14. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/369893341_Dispute_Resolution_through_Customary_Laws_The_Role_of_2008_Murree_Accord_in_Resolving_Sectarianism_in_District_Kurram
  15. https://www.dawn.com/news/1378852
  16. https://www.dawn.com/news/1635090
  17. https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/US-Withdrawal-from-Afghanistan.pdf
  18. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/4/9/analysis-end-of-imran-khans-term
  19. https://safron.gov.pk/SiteImage/Downloads/Report%20of%20%20Committee%20on%20FATA%20Reforms%202016.pdf

Pic Courtsey- Adnan Sami at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are those of theo author and do not represnt views of CESCUBE.)

Prashant Singh
About Prashant Singh →

Prashant Singh is a researcher based in Delhi. He is currently a doctoral candidate at the Centre for South Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, where he has been working on Baloch nationalism. He is also a recipient of the Network for Advance Study of Pakistan (NASP) fellowship at The Takshashila Institution, Bengaluru. Follow him on X (formerly Twitter) @Prashant3855.

ADVERTISEMENT

Related Strategic Analysis