US- Taiwan Defence Cooperation under Biden Administration
The United States of America has always kept a special eye on the developments of Chinese diplomacy. Developments along the lines of security, economic policies, political developments, or strategic directions are always important for the US. In these developments, US-Taiwan relations have been considerably formalized. Taiwan has been struggling for its cause of being an independent sovereign state. It has continued to reject the Chinese narrative of Taiwan being a part of their land and rejected any diplomatic settlements from Beijing. This cause of rebellion has increased security and strategic distress for Taipei. Constant military intrusions and altercations with the Xi Jinping government have always compelled Taiwan to check for any major Chinese development and seek out bilateral diplomatic relations for its cause of democratization. US-Taiwan relations have allowed this cause of independence and democratization. Especially during the Trump administration, the United States of America extended its support in times of rising aggressive foreign policy of Beijing. With the coming up of the Biden Administration, the US-Taiwan dynamic will be under the radar. The purpose of this article is to evaluate how the historical relations and Biden’s approach towards Taiwan will formulate the future outcome of US-Taiwan relations and how this will impact the security and strategic implications of this rising geopolitical struggle.
“The US must be prepared to impose costs on China for its treatment of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, its crackdown on democracy advocates in Hong Kong and “bellicosity” towards Taiwan”- Jake Sullivan, National Security Advisor- Biden Administration
The inauguration day of President Biden’s administration witnessed China dispatching a Shaanxi Y-8 tactical reconnaissance aircraft into the southwestern corner of Taiwan[1]. This sort of intrusion has become a regular occurrence from Beijing when it comes to the territory or airspace of Taiwan. President Joe Biden’s outlook towards China’s actions can be described as coercive and unfair military practices taking place in the Indo- Pacific region[2]. The Biden administration’s focus on the Indo- Pacific region then becomes essential to preserve its freedom, leading to reviewing its security strategy. The strategic feature of Taiwan serves as China’s greatness, weakness, and vulnerability. The Taiwan Strait makes it a worrying platform for Beijing, since if the consolidation is not made, international collaboration will make it difficult for China[3]. Beijing’s evolving and adopting innovative and asymmetric concepts of militarization and technologies to maximize its agenda against Taiwan endures the next level of strategic planning. Towards establishing a defense plan with Taiwan, the implication stands for Biden Administration to counter the rising Chinese threat in the Indo- Pacific region, while simultaneously maintaining its promise of democratic stability in Taiwan[4]. The Biden administration’s concern over the Chinese crackdown in Hong Kong, human right abuses in Xinjiang and forced assertiveness in Taiwan make it quite clear that US intervention stands necessary at this junction. The initial stage of the Biden administration towards China was established by a clear warning against Chinese expansionist intentions in East and Southeast Asia. Reciprocal support from Japan, South Korea and Taiwan becomes more attractive and crucial at this point in pursuing American diplomacy towards Asia[5]. This becomes quite crucial from Taipei perspectives about the fact of how the US will continue to support its agenda of independence and democratization in the region and what is the nature of that diplomatic support. The concern for Taiwan becomes crucial as historically Taipei suspicion towards US support validates because of the unstable promise from Washington. Importance of maintaining free and open Indo-Pacific, based on the existing norms of cooperation and peace in international law. The rising Chinese threat in terms of economic and military challenge in the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean Region has attracted active intervention and peace policy.
United States security partnership with Taiwan becomes a conundrum. With no recognition of ROC in Taipei, the US maintains diplomatic relations and conducting ties through a nominally private organization, the American Institute in Taiwan[6]. This sort of diplomatic relation presents a unique and rare case as it raises the legitimacy of Taiwan’s diplomatic relations with Washington. Security policy enforced by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) towards Taiwan has always been quite strong and coercive. China holds that Taiwan is part of the sovereign territory of Beijing and that it seeks reunification of both lands. In terms of any contest between PRC and Taiwan for the land, it has never ruled out the possibility of using force against the land. To end the Taiwanese separatist movement, China has codified and regulated the use of force as its legal means to forcefully reunify the land[7]. As it continues with the modernization of its military, and considering the political nature of the conflict, Taiwan’s fleet is always aware in terms of any sudden military intervention from the PLA.
From 1949 to 1979, the level of tension has remained high. Military conflict broke out between the states in 1954-55 and 1958, but despite these violent developments, Beijing shifted its approach to political and diplomatic means since 1979 in the hope to fast track reunification and peacefully complete the process of reunification[8]. But simultaneously, the status of Taiwan as a state fighting or struggling for its independence was ignored, a plight like current Yemen’s civil war which is described as “a forgotten war”[9]. The international community started marginalizing the cause of Taiwan. In the 1980s economic and diplomatic ties between Taiwan and the United States of America were cut off and soon Taipei and Beijing relations both in economic and distant political tangents were being developed[10]. US-ROC Treaty of 1954 - 1979 was an essential document establishing a constructive defense relation between both the nation-states. When the Carter administration (Presidency of Jimmy Carter- 20th Jan 1977- 20th Jan 1981) terminated the treaty for extending a diplomatic hand towards China[11]. The situation of military protection was also eradicated. Beijing never stopped developing its military capabilities. Despite the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, sustaining a political commitment towards the cause and status of Taiwan was enacted between Taiwan and the USA, security and military developments have never been a core focus for the United States of America[12]. The historic reason for Taiwan’s suspicion towards the United States started to emerge after the 1979 political and diplomatic distancing. In the late 1990s despite blooming economic relations being visible on an international level between Taiwan and China, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of Taiwan were still firm on the cause of independence from Chinese interference, and formally seek sovereign recognition, started raising suspicion over the developing military capabilities of Beijing[13]. Here, we must understand that China never eradicated the legal methods that allowed them to use military force in case of conflict or reunifying the land with Taiwan. These economic relations and the US backing out of the mutual treaty did not provide Taiwan economic status as they desired from the Chinese government. Anti-Secession Law of 2005 further materialized a detailed account of the use of force which can be used against Taiwan if Beijing wants to pursue the cause of reunification on a forceful basis[14]. Beijing’s post-2000 diplomatic policy of pursuing peaceful measure stood null and void because of its legal instrument making it a fact that the use of force can be used to pursue its political agenda in the land. China’s ultimate political goal then stands quite controversial and crucial. Control over the Taiwan Strait and its subsequent aggressive military policies in the South China Sea will give Beijing that geopolitical and strategic goal to establish its control in the Indo-Pacific area. Not forgetting the ongoing diplomatic maneuvers under the One Belt and Road Initiative, we can frame the current policy taken by Beijing to address its agenda of gaining control.
Biden administration can provide a peculiar difference in the Taiwanese agenda. Despite the fact that the US-ROC Mutual defense treaty was eradicated, and the Taiwan relations act was not particularly focused on strategic and military developments, Taiwan has been reliant on Washington for the constant military support and strategic pressurization[15]. Not only focusing on procedural support, but post-cold war era USA’s support also dignified the track of government and the importance of democratization Taiwan was emphasizing on its land. 1979 US-Taiwan security partnership opened the avenues of sales and procurement of advanced military equipment from Washington. Leading up to 2020, defense and arms sales have significantly increased further solidifying an emerging strand of Taiwanese diplomacy focusing upon the cause of sovereign recognition in the international arena[16]. During the first term of the Obama administration, USD 12 billion in weaponry were transferred from the USA to Taiwan and the military sale has been equated with a political purpose[17]. F-16 fighter jets, transferred by the Bush administration, assisted Taiwan in terms of countering PLA’s military modernization [18]. The Clinton administration established that relations with Taiwan and the cause of democratization provided a certain dilemma to Washington about how it should assist further on a strategic level[19]. The conflict proves to be a detrimental effect on the cross-strait relations in China, Taiwan, and the USA. For Washington, if Beijing and Taiwan engage in a peaceful measure, then cross-strait relations are mutually beneficial and the risk of conflict among in Indo- Pacific is low, avoiding similar 1990’s and 2000’s deteriorating conditions.
The risk has been for Washington to not overly contribute to Taiwan’s relations as it cannot compromise degrading relations with China at global diplomatic levels. Considering the contemporary altercations in the form of the US-China Trade war and the US’s military advancements in the South China Sea, the situation becomes much trickier. Clinton and Obama's administration followed neutral approaches which deemed to be precautionary[20]. Despite military and strategic equipment exchange, Taiwan had always been suspicious of the longevity of the support. Taiwan’s traditional defense strategy has been focused on the Taiwan Strait, and despite giving further allowance to US interference, to undertake national interest-based blockade of Beijing[21]. Despite collective consensus towards the recognition of China’s aggressive behavior in the Indo-Pacific Region, and America’s relations with leading Asian democracies facing problems, US allies are not of one mind. The impact of the coronavirus pandemic makes the situation more difficult as citizens seek protection from current and future health crises and tension between China’s and its subsequent partners tends to be difficult at this moment. In 2015, the Obama administration’s National Security Strategy advocated for a constructive relationship with China and referred more along the lines of cooperation between the two states[22]. As these actions on a political front provide a limitation to USA intervention in Taiwan, these narratives create a tone of neutrality for Taiwan, which it does not agree upon successfully. In 2017, the Trump administration’s narrative towards China was characterized to be a competitor and threat to world peace and stability[23].
So, the question remains, how will the Biden administration take up this development? The 46th President of the United States of America is on a trajectory to assure the people of Taiwan that US-Taiwan relations are not going to be hampered. In the process of undoing what the Trump administration had done during its tenure. Even so, the Trump administration’s ties with Taipei, dispatching high-level envoys to the island, selling over 18 billion in arms to Taiwan and removing all restrictions on contacts with Taiwan and shaping new framework on relations with Taiwan and its diplomacy is not something that the Biden administration is looking to remove altogether[24]. The public narrative, even during the elections was that Biden will continue a partial Obama-like administration, which raises apprehension from the Taiwanese public with the belief that Chinese cooperation would be prioritized over the cause of democratization in Taiwan. However, Biden administration has signaled its support for Taiwan before the start of the administration itself Jake Sullivan and Kurt Campbell, the NSC coordinator for Indo-Pacific has declared the intention of the United States to invest in capabilities focusing on strengthening the relations in Taiwan Strait and for the United States and China to maintain a tacit commitment not to unilaterally alter the status quo. Commitment to Taiwan stands as the absolute enduring factor in the administration[25]. What the US strives with its commitment is to restore its democratic ideology of supporting the notion of independence and liberalization for nation-states. Taiwan's representative was invited to the United States for President Biden’s inauguration, which was the first time since the ties were severed in 1979[26]. Expansionist intentions in the South China Sea have always been rejected by Washington. Under the regional security meetings, the Biden administration has put the Taiwan dispute and South China Sea dispute as its priority. Biden has also considered terms of expanding military relations with South Korea, Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and India to counter the coercive actions in the Indo-Pacific[27]. In the last Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue, Campbell established the significance that there is a board group of people across the political aisle that understand the profound significance of Taiwan and our strategic interests in maintaining a strong relationship with Taiwan[28]. PLA’s military activity in the Taiwan strait is also checked and Chinese reconnaissance aircraft and spy planes frequently intruding in Taiwan airspace are part of what the Biden administration has observed and arrived to operate against. Despite the Biden administration’s focus on military and strategic assistance to Taiwan, the State Department still urges that a dialogue should be resumed with Taiwan and the military from either of the nation-states should be avoided which will equitably benefit all the region. In January 2021, 13 Chinese military planes, including 8 H-6K bombers entered Taiwan’s air identification zone[29]. These sorts of operations assist China to continue surveillance and incursions into the airspace establish Chinese aggression in the state. In August 2020, Alex Azar, the Health and Human Services Secretary travelled to Taipei becoming the high-level US visitor in decades of US- Taiwan diplomacy[30]. These engagements of diplomatic levels resort that the United States will continue to support a peaceful resolution of cross-strait issues and commit that these engagements are on the grounds of safety and protection of people of Taiwan Chinese officials have also issued regular statements that Washington should not, on a diplomatic and international level, issue statements regarding the fact that China is the nation spreading discontent in the Indo- Pacific Region. These include the USS Theodore Roosevelt conduct routine operations in the strati and South China Sea which China seems an unlawful and unreasonable intervention of its territory and maritime territory[31].
Defense cooperation between the United States of America and Taiwan are right at a very particular point of view. If analyzed from a historical point of view, the developments made by the Biden Administration are directed towards very positive developments. The prioritization of maintaining Chinese cooperation as seen during the Obama administration has given a new light of diplomatic and international support to counter the rising Chinese narrative. This will pose substantial challenges for the USA and Taiwan’s strive to gain the geopolitical advantage in the Indo-Pacific region. The decision remains with the Biden administration whether to fulfil these commitments to Taiwan’s peace and democratic developments in a similar pattern as pursued by the Trump administration or whether the ideal of cooperation would be put on top. Seemingly, the Trump administration has been responsible for the certain gain of international strength and solidarity towards its cause and the sovereign issues that it is facing via Beijing[32]. China’s aggressive developments around the region- South China Sea, Indian Ocean Region and Taiwan Strait- have made it visible for countries like India, Vietnam, and Japan that there is a rising threat of aggression from Beijing and will continue to expand with its military modernization and expansionist ideologies[33]. If the Biden administration is committed in terms of providing that strength to Taiwan’s struggle against China then there should be continuous military, political and economic support from the United States. West and NATO are seemingly divided when it comes to the agenda of Taiwan and China but if we see that the Biden administration seeks to extend its support for a longer period then the cause of Taiwan can get success in terms of recognition on an international forum. Challenges of commitment, geostrategic implications, countering the Chinese aggression by not overtly resorting to means of conflict will test and shape the Biden administration’s tenure of defense cooperation with Taiwan.
Notes
[1] T, Shannon (11th February 2021). “What to expect from US- Taiwan Relations in 2021”. The Diplomat.
[2] R. P. Rajeshwari (12th February 2021). “Assessing the trajectory of India- US ties under Biden”. Observers Research Foundation.
[3] Ibid.
[4] PTI. (4th March 2021) “Biden administration vows to ensure US, not letting authoritarian China to set international agenda”. Firstpost.
[5] Op.cit, ibid.
[6] W, Yuan-Kang (2013). “Taiwan Public Opinion on Cross- Straits Security Issues: Implication for US Foreign Policy”. Strategic Studies Quarterly, Vol. 7, pp- 93-113.
[7] T. Susan (21st May 2015). “Taiwan- A Vital Partner in East Asia”. Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Brookings Institution
[8] Ibid.
[9] Kleemann, Steven. (2019). The Forgotten War: Yemen.
[10] P. Dr. Micharl (2004). “The US Role in Taiwan’s Defense Reforms”. ITDSS Conference- Taipei.
[11] Ibid.
[12] C. G. T (22nd September 2020). “A Reborn US- Taiwan Military Alliance”. CATO Institute.
[13] R. P. Rajeshwari (12th February 2021), ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] L. W. M (28th April 2020). “Will there be a future Taiwan- US Military Alliance”. Taiwan Studies Programme, University of Nottingham.
[16] S. Quirk (17th February 2021). “Water Wars: Chinese Military Takes Aim while Biden’s China Strategy Takes Shape”. Water Wars, Lawfare.
[17] C. G. T (22nd September 2020)
[18] Ibid.
[19] Ibid.
[20] C.R. Mohan (23rd February 2021). “Taiwan is once again becoming rod in US- China Tensions”
[21] Ibid.
[22] L. W. M (28th April 2020), ibid.
[23] M. Mazza (3rd March 2021). “The West needs a more collaborative approach to Taiwan”. The Hill
[24] ibid.
[25] W. Mauldin & A. Leary (1st March 2021). “Biden’s Plans to rally allies on China to put them on test”. The Wall Street Journal.
[27] (12th February 2021). “Unfair economic practices are wrong, says Biden administration”. Business Standard.
[28] M. Mazza (3rd March 2021), ibid.
[29] A.C.C. Huang (16th February 2021). “The United States and Taiwan Defense Transformation”. Brookings Institution.
[30] Ibid.
[31] W. Mauldin & A. Leary (1st March 2021), ibid.
[32] R. P. Rajeshwari (12th February 2021), ibid.
[33] L. W. M (28th April 2020), ibid.
Pic Courtesy- Markus Winkler at unsplash.com
(The views expressed are that of the author and do not represent the views of the CESCUBE or its officials.)
