LIVE DISPATCH
• The Fifth Plenum Resolution and the Distribution of Power in the CPC • The Myth of Mankind's Inheritance: China, the US, and the Battle for the Clarion-Clipperton Zone • Energy Security and European Strategic Autonomy: Has the EU’s Shift Away from Russian Fossil Fuels Strengthened Its Strategic Autonomy? • China's Surveillance Architecture in the Bay of Bengal and Its Strategic Implications • Old Threat, New Currents: Piracy, Narco-Trafficking, and India's Response in the Western Indian Ocean • A Reformer for an Institution in Decline: What does the Next Secretary-General Inherits? • Beyond Rare Earths: Sulphuric Acid and the Hidden Vulnerabilities of Critical Mineral Supply Chains • Silent Depths, Loud Signals: Nuclear Deterrence Infrastructure and the Crisis-Stability Costs of India’s Indo-Pacific Maritime Partnerships • Microplastic Pollution and Marine Environmental Security in the Indo-Pacific: An Indonesian Perspective • Securing India's Digital Frontiers: Cybersecurity Challenges and Strategic Responses in the Age of Hybrid Warfare • Structural Parallels in American Coercive Diplomacy: The US-Cuban and US-Iranian Conflicts • Prism of Dragon’s Maritime Assertiveness: Regional Implications and India’s Strategic Options • Cybersecurity and European Strategic Autonomy: Can Europe Reduce Its Dependence on Foreign Digital Infrastructure? • The Architecture of Cooperation: Navigating East Asia's Geopolitical Landscape • India’s Maritime Ties with Tanzania: Challenges and Opportunities in the Indian Ocean Region • From Civil Nuclear Power to Nuclear Hedging: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Emerging Nuclear Security Dilemma in the Middle East • Beyond Trade: Japan’s New Quest for Economic Security • The Invisible Front: China-Pakistan Grey-Zone Operations • The Pacific: Strategic Competition and the Return of Power Politics • India's Agentic AI Strategy Needs Authority Budgets before Autonomy Scales • Arctic Geopolitics: From Frozen Frontier to Global Contest • From Physical Borders to Intelligent Borders: The Evolution of India's Border Security Architecture • Bridging the Fifth-Generation Gap: India's Su-57E Dilemma, AMCA, and Strategic Autonomy • AI Driven Cyberwarfare and National Security • Regulation as Power? The EU, US and China in the Geopolitics of Artificial Intelligence • The Continuing U.S. Regime-Change Toolkit: Color Revolutions, Political Influence, and Vietnam • The New Defence Architecture: Deconstructing the India-Belgium Geostrategic Win • Digital Pathways to Extremism: An Investigative Study of ISIS and Al-Qaeda's Use of Digital Platforms in India • Beyond Oil: Saudi Arabia's Civil Nuclear Deal with the United States • Strategic Autonomy in the Age of Weaponised Interdependence: India’s Geopolitical Dilemma • China’s Grey-Zone Strategy in the Indian Ocean: Implications for India’s Maritime Security • Europe’s Digital Dependence: Can the EU Achieve Strategic Autonomy? • Cuba’s Economic Crisis and Strategic Relevance: A Peripheral State in Renewed Great Power Competition • Loss and Damage Finance: From COP28 Pledges to Policy Architecture • Beyond Consultation: BIMSTEC's Emerging Role in Regional Intelligence and Security Cooperation • Between the Desert and the Savannah: Conflict and the Political Economy of Instability in the Sahel • The Politics of Ali Khamenei's Funeral • Operation Sindoor and the Changing Dynamics of India–Pakistan Security • Generative AI, Labour Sovereignty, and the Geoeconomics of India's Service Economy • India's AI Diplomacy and the Future of Strategic Technologies • The Fifth Plenum Resolution and the Distribution of Power in the CPC • The Myth of Mankind's Inheritance: China, the US, and the Battle for the Clarion-Clipperton Zone • Energy Security and European Strategic Autonomy: Has the EU’s Shift Away from Russian Fossil Fuels Strengthened Its Strategic Autonomy? • China's Surveillance Architecture in the Bay of Bengal and Its Strategic Implications • Old Threat, New Currents: Piracy, Narco-Trafficking, and India's Response in the Western Indian Ocean • A Reformer for an Institution in Decline: What does the Next Secretary-General Inherits? • Beyond Rare Earths: Sulphuric Acid and the Hidden Vulnerabilities of Critical Mineral Supply Chains • Silent Depths, Loud Signals: Nuclear Deterrence Infrastructure and the Crisis-Stability Costs of India’s Indo-Pacific Maritime Partnerships • Microplastic Pollution and Marine Environmental Security in the Indo-Pacific: An Indonesian Perspective • Securing India's Digital Frontiers: Cybersecurity Challenges and Strategic Responses in the Age of Hybrid Warfare • Structural Parallels in American Coercive Diplomacy: The US-Cuban and US-Iranian Conflicts • Prism of Dragon’s Maritime Assertiveness: Regional Implications and India’s Strategic Options • Cybersecurity and European Strategic Autonomy: Can Europe Reduce Its Dependence on Foreign Digital Infrastructure? • The Architecture of Cooperation: Navigating East Asia's Geopolitical Landscape • India’s Maritime Ties with Tanzania: Challenges and Opportunities in the Indian Ocean Region • From Civil Nuclear Power to Nuclear Hedging: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Emerging Nuclear Security Dilemma in the Middle East • Beyond Trade: Japan’s New Quest for Economic Security • The Invisible Front: China-Pakistan Grey-Zone Operations • The Pacific: Strategic Competition and the Return of Power Politics • India's Agentic AI Strategy Needs Authority Budgets before Autonomy Scales • Arctic Geopolitics: From Frozen Frontier to Global Contest • From Physical Borders to Intelligent Borders: The Evolution of India's Border Security Architecture • Bridging the Fifth-Generation Gap: India's Su-57E Dilemma, AMCA, and Strategic Autonomy • AI Driven Cyberwarfare and National Security • Regulation as Power? The EU, US and China in the Geopolitics of Artificial Intelligence • The Continuing U.S. Regime-Change Toolkit: Color Revolutions, Political Influence, and Vietnam • The New Defence Architecture: Deconstructing the India-Belgium Geostrategic Win • Digital Pathways to Extremism: An Investigative Study of ISIS and Al-Qaeda's Use of Digital Platforms in India • Beyond Oil: Saudi Arabia's Civil Nuclear Deal with the United States • Strategic Autonomy in the Age of Weaponised Interdependence: India’s Geopolitical Dilemma • China’s Grey-Zone Strategy in the Indian Ocean: Implications for India’s Maritime Security • Europe’s Digital Dependence: Can the EU Achieve Strategic Autonomy? • Cuba’s Economic Crisis and Strategic Relevance: A Peripheral State in Renewed Great Power Competition • Loss and Damage Finance: From COP28 Pledges to Policy Architecture • Beyond Consultation: BIMSTEC's Emerging Role in Regional Intelligence and Security Cooperation • Between the Desert and the Savannah: Conflict and the Political Economy of Instability in the Sahel • The Politics of Ali Khamenei's Funeral • Operation Sindoor and the Changing Dynamics of India–Pakistan Security • Generative AI, Labour Sovereignty, and the Geoeconomics of India's Service Economy • India's AI Diplomacy and the Future of Strategic Technologies
Politics August 4, 2022 2,085 views

Impact of French Presidential Elections on Europe

S
By Shayesta Nishat Ahmed
Author • Centre for Security & Strategic Studies
Impact of French Presidential Elections on Europe
Share Analysis:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & STRATEGIC TAKEAWAYS

The second round of the French Presidential Elections will be held on 24 April 2022. The incumbent President, Emmanuel Macron from La République En Marche! (LREM), held a marginal lead over his opponent Marnie Le Pen, the head of Rassemblement National (National Rally) in the first round of the elections which was held on 10 April 2022. Macron held a close lead with 27.9 per cent lead over Le Pen who received 23.1 per cent of the vote share.

The second round, to be held later, is crucial to France in particular, and Europe in general, given the core ideological and political beliefs of both the candidates on specific key issues. While the centrist Macron has professed his belief in a more globalised worldview, the far-right Le Pen has advocated for a greater protectionist economy. Le Pen’s had distinct views on fiscal and social policies, foreign affairs and defence, climate change and immigration, which have been termed as “ethno-liberalism”. The differing opinions could pose obstacles to the future of the trade relations between Europe and France.

Le Pen has repeatedly voiced her intent to withdraw France from NATO’s Integrated Military Command and threatened to reduce France’s share of the European Union Budget. She had earlier expressed interest in “Frexit”, though she has since revised her views on France exiting the Union. An exit would have significant consequences, as France, while a founding member of the EU, also possesses the largest defence budget in the bloc. Le Pen had also suggested distancing France from its close ally in the EU, Germany, and ending the close military programmes between two states. France is the third-largest contributor to NATO’s military and civil budgets. Additionally, with France being the biggest maritime power of the EU, the future of the EU’s Indo-Pacific ambitions will be majorly impacted. It is considered a resident power in the region due to its territories in the Indo-Pacific. France has also contributed to the bloc’s maritime capability building and capacity enhancement missions. Noteworthily, France holds the Presidentship of the EU for the ongoing first half of 2022.

Apart from the scepticism that Le Pen views the EU policies and regulations with, Le Penn is also known for her admiration of the incumbent Russian President, Vladimir Putin. She has expressed her opposition to sending weapons to Ukraine, backed by the belief that the EU and NATO’s sanctions have been instrumental in pushing Russia closer to China. She views the rise of China as a threat to the stable international order and thereby seeks to prevent the creation of a Sino-Russian alliance. It is important to note that both Macron and Le Pen view China with suspicion. This sentiment is beneficial for India, as she is also keen on proposing India a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council. Le Penn has shown support for continuing the close relations between France and India and working together in the areas of defence and industrial sectors.

However, Emmanuel Macron's presidential majority did not win an absolute majority of seats in the June 19 French legislative elections for 2022. It was described as a defeat for the Élisabeth Borne administration as well as the ruling Ensemble Citoyens alliance. The no-confidence vote, according to French MP Bastien Lachaud, “will make everything clear.” It has to do with the practice of declining requests for confidence. Any member of Parliament who recognises that this is a violation of democracy at this time may vote in favour of the resolution. Certain key allies and ministers of the incumbent party have also lost out their places in the election. Thus the key to maintaining the quest for the French elections was pivotal in deciding the future trajectory of the EU-Russia LNG and oil trade.

The External Affairs Minister said while attending the Ministerial Forum for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, that the promise of multilateralism in maintaining a regional order in the Indo-Pacific with France, is a critical bridge to connect Europe with India. Together they participate in combined and joint military exercises to bring efficiency in the terms of interoperability. India was also a participant at the French-led La Perouse Exercise. Both states share a strategic relationship with each other and interact at multiple levels. Hence, in India’s case, the significance of the special strategic partnership between the two states arises from their bilateral relationship and it is being a gateway for India to facilitate an intimate connection with Europe. Le Pen’s views on retracting France from the EU and NATO in varying degrees have cast a shadow of apprehension regarding the unpredictability and unsustainability of French multilateralism under her possible Presidentship.

Image Courtesy: Rodrigo Kugnharski at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are thoSe fo the author and do not represent views of CESCUBE.)

Shayesta Nishat Ahmed
About Shayesta Nishat Ahmed →

Shayesta Nishat Ahmed is an Associate Fellow at the National Maritime Foundation, New Delhi, India. Her current research focuses on the European Union in the Indo-Pacific. She may be contacted at nish.shayes@gmail.com

Related Strategic Analysis