Visit of Indian Foreign Minister to Maldives and Sri Lanka

The EAM, Dr S. Jaishankar, met with the Maldives' Foreign Minister to discuss bilateral cooperation developments, followed by exchanging various Memorandums of Understanding between both parties. The EAM Dr S Jaishankar also attended the Hanimaadhoo International Airport Development Project groundbreaking ceremony. It is worth noting that India is providing this project with concessional finance. The Airport Development Project intends to harness the genuine economic potential of northern Maldives and revolutionise the Maldives' economy and people's lives. On his visit to the Maldives, EAM opened the Shaviyani Foakaidhoo Community Centre, built with Indian grant funding, and met with President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih. Significantly, India has been at the forefront of providing economic help to Sri Lanka under their needs and is one of the countries that has supplied the most support to its neighbour in times of need. 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE VISIT

India is an important regional partner of the United States in military preparations against China. This has been leading towards stregthening of India’s bilateral ties with Sri Lanka and the Maldives even further. Both nations enjoy a strategic location in the Indian Ocean. Jaishankar met with President Ibrahim Solih and Foreign Minister Abdulla Shahid of the Maldives. Solih took office in late 2018 after Washington and New Delhi organised a regime change operation to depose the pro-Chinese President Abdulla Yameen. Since then, India has swiftly expanded its influence in the Maldives through defence treaties and investments. Last year, in the month of August, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the Maldives, where he spoke to Solih about coordination between India and the Maldives in defence and security is critical for the peace and stability of the whole region.

The EAM Jaishankar also met with Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardana, Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, parliamentary opposition leader Sajith Premadasa, and Tamil party leaders in Colombo. India and Sri Lanka’s relations have taken a lot of turns since the Sri Lanka has been facing economic crisis. According to an Indian foreign affairs ministry statement, Sri Lanka and the Maldives are India's maritime neighbours and hold a particular position in Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's vision of "SAGAR" (Security and Development for Everyone in the Region) and "Neighborhood First." In Colombo, Jaishankar underlined this and gave Wickremesinghe a Modi invitation to visit India.

INDIA'S RELATIONS WITH SRI LANKA

India and Sri Lanka inked a memorandum of understanding on Indian financial support for community initiatives centred on education and health during Jaishankar's recent visit with President Ranil Wickremasinghe in Colombo. Jaishankar also participated the handover of 350 residences built with Indian assistance. Jaishankar arrived in Colombo immediately after India became the first of Sri Lanka's creditors to support the country's debt restructuring plan by delivering financial guarantees to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The three biggest creditors of the crisis-hit island country are China, India, and Japan. Because China and India are not members of the Paris Club, Sri Lanka must get financial guarantees to receive a rescue package from the IMF.

Jaishankar emphasised the need to strengthen ties between the two nations in energy, commerce, and investment to help Sri Lanka emerge from an unparalleled economic catastrophe. He underlined that India gave $4 billion in loans and rollovers to help Sri Lanka get through the crisis, calling it a "neighbourhood first" problem. India has been willingly supporting larger investments in the Sri Lankan economy, especially in essential industries like energy, tourism and infrastructure. "We expect the Sri Lankan government to establish a more business-friendly climate to create a significant pull factor," he added. He also noted that adopting a rupee settlement for commerce would be in both nations' best interests.

Sri Lanka's drive for energy security must "encompass the greater area," according to Jaishankar, and Trincomalee can emerge as an energy centre. India is prepared to be a dependable partner in such programmes, and the two sides have reached an in-principle agreement on a renewable energy framework. It also addressed how the two sides should make additional efforts to ensure the sustainability of Sri Lanka's tourism business, such as improving connectivity, encouraging Indian tourists to make RuPay purchases, and utilising the UPI system. The major source of tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka is now India. Jaishankar's visit is also regarded as an opportunity to repair ties with Sri Lanka, which suffered a setback last year when Colombo allowed China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) surveillance vessel, the Yuan Wang 5, to refuel at the Chinese-controlled Hambantota port.

INDIA'S RELATIONS WITH MALDIVES

The Maldives-India diplomatic relationship has ebbed and flowed depending on the ruling party or coalition in Malé. India has been the dominant regional force for many years, owing to its position as the most powerful country in the subregion and, more recently, its Neighborhood First strategy. This core component of India's foreign policy, which focuses on peaceful relations and collaborative, synergetic co-development with its neighbours, is a high priority for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and covers a wide range of topics, including economics, connectivity, technology, research, and education, among others.

The Maldives places a high priority on trilateral maritime security cooperation with India and Sri Lanka. Such cooperation aims to combat shared marine security concerns and difficulties, including illicit trafficking, piracy, and uncontrolled and illegal fishing. The three countries work together to protect other countries from invading their territories. Given the Maldives' reliance on the ocean's bounty for internal food security and exports, this collaboration is critical. As a result, safeguarding the Maldives' exclusive economic zone (EEZ) is critical. In addition to these security links, the Maldives has long had cultural, ethnic, and economic ties with India.

India is the Maldives' second-largest commercial partner, rising from fourth place in 2018. Bilateral commerce increased by 31% over the previous year in 2021, despite pandemic-related obstacles. India provides the most training possibilities for the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF), fulfilling around 70% of its defence training needs. The minister's visit to Male has also included signing bilateral development cooperation agreements and the inauguration/handover and launch of several significant India-supported projects that will help the Maldives' socio-economic growth.

INDIA'S DIPLOMATIC TIES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN

The Indian Ocean is a key component of increased global connectivity. The shifting power metrics in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) have gotten much attention on the world scene. The ocean's physical location makes it critical for commodities transit and commerce linkages between the North Atlantic and Asia-Pacific. The Indian Navy's 2015 Maritime Strategy, "Ensuring Safe Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy," gives a fresh focus on India's Maritime Security requirements in the Indian Ocean Area. With the significant involvement with IOR littoral states over the previous five years, maritime diplomacy has become more operational. The Sagarmala project was launched to emphasise port-led growth. Because of the importance of ports in commerce and economic growth, this initiative attempted to build and modernise them.

PM Modi's goal for India in the Indian Ocean Area was initially made obvious through his SAGAR Initiative, which intended to protect the marine interests of its mainland and islands. India's desire to become a major regional decision-maker pushes it to cultivate positive relations with its maritime neighbours. As part of its Neighborhood First Policy, SAGAR policy works with regional organisations like BIMSTEC, ASEAN, and IORA. The concept of collaborative development enters the picture as part of comprehensive marine diplomacy. PM's diplomatic travels to Seychelles, Mauritius, and Sri Lanka in March 2015 aided the implementation of the SAGAR initiative. India's goal of becoming a Net Security Provider in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) was formally launched when it shipped the first 'Made in India' warship to Mauritius. In addition, India has attempted to establish Coastal Surveillance Networks in Seychelles, Maldives, Mauritius, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka.

To sustain its status as a leader, New Delhi must also dominate the information ecosystem. With approximately 350 Chinese warships and submarines in the IOR at any given moment, India's information supremacy will allow it to maintain an eagle's eye on expanding its Chinese presence and other hostile actions like sea-based terrorism and piracy. India's strongest strength in the Indian Ocean is its diplomatic connections with other countries. Island countries have embraced Indian participation because of historical linkages. Realising this, New Delhi has expanded its diplomatic footprint by hosting a series of high-level visits to boost island diplomacy.

CONCLUSION

Because of its geostrategic location, India is a natural, primary actor in the Indian Ocean. India can potentially develop as a key regional force in the Indian Ocean Region and affect the region's future maritime stability trajectory. With the backing of other littoral states, it has the potential to create a free trade movement in the area, allowing tiny states to access larger markets. It has an advantage in giving humanitarian aid to the region and promoting the Indian Navy's active participation in disaster management operations.

India should focus on four development domains: information alliance, bilateral relations, military cooperation and maritime security. India’s visit to the Maldives and Sri Lanka reaffirms India’s commitment to re-establish these historical ties with these island nations and focus on these above-mentioned areas. The SAGAR concept has not been able to replace the IOR's power vacuum, but it has affected the IOR's maritime administration. In the future, India should strive pragmatically to strengthen its marine emphasis and successfully capitalise on the benefits it provides. The future of India's marine administration appears promising, yet the existing scenario indicates that there is still potential for development. Although the globe is still reeling from the epidemic, India must solidify its position in the IOR through broad maritime engagement. Yet, with great power comes great responsibility, and in this unique position, India must emerge as a forerunner of international and regional maritime cooperation through a realistic approach to the seas.

REFERENCES

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7.        Moorthy, N. Sathiya. “India Does ‘What Is Right’ in Sri Lanka Relations.” ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/india-does-what-is-right-in-sri-lanka-relations/.

8.        ———. “India-Maldives Relations: Solih’s Recent Visit to India.” ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/india-maldives-relations/.

9.        PTI. “S. Jaishankar to Visit Maldives, Sri Lanka.” The Hindu, January 17, 2023, sec. India. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/s-jaishankar-to-visit-maldives-sri-lanka-to-expand-bilateral-engagement/article66388710.ece.

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Pic Courtsey-Daniel Klein at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are those of the author and do not represent views of CESCUBE.)