India-US Defence Technology Cooperation: Promises and Pitfalls
From a structural realist point of view, in an anarchic system, states are fearful and suspicious of each other due to their 'inscrutable intentions'. As a result, they constantly face security dilemmas where any step by a state to increase its security makes other states insecure. Given this environment, defence technology cooperation between two states is probably the most important indicator of low mutual threat perception and shared strategic interests. It can be seen through the examples of the US and Britain, China and Pakistan, and Russia and India. These dyads have engaged in intense defence technology cooperation that includes transferring dual-use technologies such as nuclear energy and related platforms.
The bilateral framework for defence technology cooperation
As per the Ministry of External Affairs of India, "India and United States enjoy a comprehensive global strategic partnership covering almost all areas of human endeavour, driven by shared democratic values, a convergence of interests on a range of issues, and vibrant people-to-people contacts".[1]
In this, the India-US defence cooperation is based on the “New Framework for India- US Defence Relationship” of 2005, which was renewed for ten years in 2015.[2] In 2012, the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) was launched.[3] It is a mechanism to facilitate and expedite defence cooperation, including research, co-development, and technology transfer, by reducing bureaucratic processes and legal requirements in both countries. One of its aims is to strengthen India's defence industrial base by expanding bilateral business ties beyond the buyer-seller dynamic.[4]
In 2016, the US recognized India as a Major Defense Partner (MDP). This elevated "defence trade and technology cooperation between the United States and India to a level commensurate with the closest allies and partners of the US".[5]
In 2018, the US moved India into Tier-1 exception of the Strategic Trade Authority or STA-1, granting it the same access as US' NATO allies like Australia, Japan, and South Korea. It provides "India with greater supply-chain efficiency by allowing US companies to export a greater range of dual-use and high-technology items to India under streamlined processes."[6] It is primarily beneficial for increasing the speed of sale of high-tech and latest defence technologies that are otherwise subjected to strict export controls and licensing. It also provided a boost for the foundational Communications, Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA).[7]
During the 2019 2+2 dialogue, both the countries signed the Industrial Security Annex (ISA) under the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). It is aimed at smoothening the transfer of classified technology and information between the private entities of the US and India in a secure manner.[8] It will "deepen industry collaboration, enable release of more advanced technology and information to India and help make it part of global supply chain in the defence sector" by establishing and strengthening co-development and co-production linkages.[9]
Progress so far
It has almost been a decade since the DTTI was put in place. However, it is yet to see any concrete success, both in terms of co-development and technology transfers. Most of the pathfinder projects under the DTTI have either seen abysmal progress or have been discarded.[10] These projects included the next-generation Raven unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), "roll-on, roll-off" intelligence and reconnaissance kits for C-130J Super Hercules aircraft, mobile electric hybrid power sources and protection gear for soldiers against chemical, biological, and nuclear fallout.[11] Another important project for the joint development of a jet engine has been shelved.[12] Within the Indian defence industry, the initial enthusiasm about the DTTI has evaporated.
The bilateral cooperation on this front has seemingly become synonymous with the signing of memoranda, establishing new dialogue mechanisms, and setting up new working groups. In sharp contrast to this, the US' military sales to India have steadily grown over the years.[13] This has given an impression to the Indian policymakers that the US is not interested in sharing the latest defence technologies despite all the rhetoric of shared values, strategic convergence, and comprehensive partnership.
Why this sluggishness?
There are several reasons for the bilateral defence technology cooperation between the two states not moving ahead as anticipated. First, despite a mutual commitment to remove bureaucratic obstacles and streamline processes, not much has changed in this regard. Though a top-level official on both sides steers the DTTI, it is the middle-level bureaucracy where the problems of red-tapism and procedural inefficiencies lie. While the US has not allocated the desired number of personnel and other resources, concerned Indian departments have dated structures and procedures and lack specialized human resources.
Second, in the US, proposals to share the latest defence equipments and platforms have to pass through stringent export control checks and legal review procedures. Also, due to various India-specific modifications in the foundational defence pacts with the US, these procedures are delayed further.[14]
Third, there is a demand-supply mismatch, i.e. India expects to get state of the art technologies under the DTTI but what the US offers is either an outdated or a low tech product. It is important to remember that the India-US relationship is not a security alliance irrespective of terms such as ‘major defense partner’ and ‘comprehensive global strategic partnership’. This explains the US’ reluctance in sharing critical and latest technologies with India. For India, having such expectations is unrealistic because there are no free lunches in the international system. Transfer of technologies and getting security commitments from another state come at a price, involving burden-sharing or pay-offs.[15]
Fourth, a significant proportion of India's defence equipments and platforms are of Russian origin. Those involving satellite communications and data systems create apprehensions in the US administration on sharing sensitive and dual-use technologies. This was one reason the US did not want India and Turkey to acquire the S-400 missile defence system. It is believed that interoperating S-400 with US-made weapon systems and platforms would expose their stealth capabilities and vulnerabilities.[16]
Fifth, the most crucial element that appears to be missing is focus. So many domain-specific joint working groups and mechanisms have been formed for various projects that none receive concerted efforts from the governments for substantial movement towards fruition. The constant reassertions and reassurances over the DTTI in various joint statements only create an illusion of substantive progress in the garb of procedural kick-starters.
The India-US bilateral cooperation on defence technology is caught in a quagmire. Even the teething issues are yet to be sorted in all these years. While India needs to be more reciprocal in the partnership, the US needs to accept that India cannot openly embrace the US-led alliance system because of the legacy issues. However, there is immense potential in defence technology ties that can substantially deepen the overall partnership. In short to medium term, this requires a push from the top leadership and a sustained focus on a limited number of projects that are most important for securing the common strategic interests.
Notes
[1] India-US, Briefs on Bilateral Relations, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/ForeignRelation/InUsJUlynew21.pdf
[2] New Framework for the India - U.S. Defence Relationship- Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA) https://idsa.in/resources/documents/Ind-US-Def-Rel-28.06.05;
Framework for the India-US Defense Relationship, United States Department of Defense https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2015-Defense-Framework.pdf
[3] US|India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), Office of the Executive Director for International Cooperation https://www.acq.osd.mil/ic/dtti.html
[4] Explained: What is US-India Defence Technology and Trade Initiative- The Indian Express (Oct 2019) https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-us-india-defense-technology-and-trade-initiative-dtti-6077915
[5] Joint Statement: The United States and India: Enduring Global Partners in the 21st Century (p.17), The White House (June 2016) https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/06/07/joint-statement-united-states-and-india-enduring-global-partners-21st
[6] US gives India Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 status: All you need to know about what this means- Firstport (July, 2018) https://www.firstpost.com/world/us-gives-india-coveted-strategic-trade-authorisation-1-status-all-you-need-to-know-about-what-this-means-4856681.html
[7] US elevates India’s trade status to NATO-level ally, move to boost access to defence tech- Hindustan Times (July, 2018) https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/us-elevates-india-s-trade-status-to-nato-level-ally-move-to-boost-access-to-defence-tech/story-0gv9Uu6hYe8gE4ASzImm4M.html
[8] India, US sign key defence pact, discuss cross-border terror at 2+2 meet- Hindustan Times (Dec 2019) https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/india-us-sign-key-defence-pact-discuss-cross-border-terror-at-2-2-meet/story-3AvKHbw1RdvujJADEZVGKM.html
[9] Industrial Security Annex to deepen industry collaboration between India, US: Nisha Desai Biswal- The Economic Times, (Dec 2019) https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/foreign-trade/industrial-security-annex-to-deepen-industry-collaboration-between-india-us-nisha-desai-biswal/articleshow/73004435.cms
[10] Indo-US pact to develop futuristic military tech yet to deliver after 6 years- The Times of India (Dec 2018) https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/indo-us-pact-to-develop-futuristic-military-tech-yet-to-deliver-after-6-years/articleshow/67306050.cms;
Aryan, Javin. (2020). The Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI): Lost in the acronym bowl- Observer Research Foundation https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/defence-technology-trade-initiative-dtti-lost-acronym-bowl
[11] US seeks pathfinder projects to boost defence ties with India- The Economic Times (July 2018) https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/us-seeks-pathfinder-projects-to-boost-defence-ties-with-india/articleshow/48710831.cms
[12] India, US ‘suspend’ ambitious jet engine technology plan under defence trade deal- The Print (Oct 2019) https://theprint.in/defence/india-us-suspend-ambitious-jet-engine-technology-plan-under-defence-trade-deal/310965
[13] US arms sales to India zoomed to $3.4 billion in Trump govt's final year- The Week (Dec 2020) https://www.theweek.in/news/india/2020/12/09/us-arms-sales-to-india-zoomed-to-3-4-billion-in-trump-govts-final-year.html
[14] Saran, Samir and Verma, Richard. (2019). Strategic Convergence: The United States and India as Major Defence Partners- Observer Research Foundation https://www.orfonline.org/research/strategic-convergence-the-united-states-and-india-as-major-defence-partners-52364
[15] Ford, Lindsey W. and Goldgeier, James. (2019). Who are America’s allies and are they paying their fair share of defense?- The Brookings Institution https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/votervital/who-are-americas-allies-and-are-they-paying-their-fair-share-of-defense;
Cloud, David S. (2019). How much do allies pay for U.S. troops? A lot more than Donald Trump says- Los Angeles times https://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-trump-allies-20160930-snap-story.html
[16] Bolton, John. (2021). India's S-400 missile system problem- The Hill https://thehill.com/opinion/national-security/580864-indias-s-400-missile-system-problem;
Explained: Russian S-400 air defence missile system. Why is US not happy over India's S-400 procurement?- WION (Oct 2021) https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/explained-russian-s-400-air-defence-missile-system-why-is-us-not-happy-over-indias-s-400-procurement-419304
Pic Courtesy-White House website
(The views expressed are those of the author and not represent views of CESCUBE.)
