India's Defence Diplomacy in Africa
India- Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave (IADMC) on 6th February 2020 marked an essential point of inflection in India- Africa relations. Historic relations between India- Africa were primarily involved in the paradigms of economic, sociological and cultural relations. Both the nations part of the inception of the Non- Aligned Movement during the Cold War, always had a historical importance. The era of decolonization, the idea of self-determination as enshrined under the United Nations General Assembly Resolution No. 1514(XV) of 14th December 1960 and creating a new tangent of political relations apart from arms and security analysis. Part of the 21st Century has witnessed the rise of Chinese economic and political influence upon African nation- states and by the lure of debt- trap diplomacy, working on economic incentives, proving to be a strategic threat to New Delhi. Strategic threat comprises on the lines that China can gain diplomatic support and investment opportunities by its One Belt and Road Initiative. And the looming aggressive acts of Beijing around the subcontinent, any multi- lateral formation will tend to work against India. Defence diplomacy then becomes essential as to formulate strategic relations by emphasizing on military explorations. In order to understand the recent development and minister’s conclave between India and Africa, the analysis of this piece will focus upon understanding the historical narrative of India- Africa foreign and defence relations. Contemporary relations will be judged upon the observed historicism, correlated with the need for countering Chinese influence.
“You can do a lot with diplomacy but of course, you can do a lot more with diplomacy backed with firearms and force”- Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary- General- 1997- 2006
Cooperation in defence and security is becoming India’s new pillar of relations with many African states. Pursuant of these aims are part of India’s strategic shift towards its employment of peace and expansion of its defence resources and capabilities. This narrative of extending the hand of exchanging international personnel exchanges and high- level security engagement is a characteristic development to set up a new frontier. India’s significant development in defence diplomacy was visible by the end of 2019 when the Indian Army Chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane undertook multiple visits along with various foreign countries[1]. India’s philosophy is a tantamount development to increase its influence rather than follow a China- like expansionary policy. Invigoration for this diplomatic development is associated with India’s stance of conflict resolution and prevention along with an underlying aim to counter China’s pursuit of “gunboat diplomacy”[2]. China’s One Belt and Road Initiative provides a bright incentive for African states to align diplomatically with Beijing. Impetus for this initiative is on the potential that African states currently have the ability which has not been harnessed since the process of de- colonialization. Instances of the success can be seen in Ethiopia’s development of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a USD 4.8-billion-dollar
project for which the nation- state has taken loan from the Chinese government[3]. This opportunity for Africa presents a challenging situation for New Delhi on the forefronts of strategic and security implications. Facing a demanding situation in the Indian Ocean Region in the form of Chinese naval and military developments, Beijing’s rapid foothold can supply a similar challenge from the forefront of Africa[4]. Furthermore, India’s outlook cannot be an all- out disclosure of military developments. Historical roots of alliance on the mutual understanding of de- colonialism and self- determination, defence diplomatic developments will present a different angle of India’s diplomacy.
India- Africa engagement dawns from the times of interaction on the mutual grounds of freedom and liberation from colonialism and discrimination[5]. Commitment between the continent and the subcontinent adjusted an idea of development, growth and bi- lateral cooperation, rejecting the cold war rationalization of expansion on the grounds of balance of power. Development partnership targeted the areas of education, poverty alleviation, fair trade, and investment to increase the government’s ability to secure the lines of human development. Trajectory of India- Africa partnership was guided by the needs of human development rather than the expansion of the national interest and militarization on ideological tangents[6]. Post- 1947 period has been focused on these transactions which were powered by the socio- cultural exchange of ideas, opportunities, and religious beliefs. Nehruvian prioritization was meant to harness their constructive relationship and cohering this cooperation to encourage an ideological free basis of independence[7]. Asian- African Conference or the Bandung Conference of 1955 was the first international platform where New Delhi progressed this idea with endorsement from many African nationalist[8]. Mutual commitment of Non- Aligned Movement meant a strive to enhance the cultural development and aiding in recovering of colonial damage to the inheritance of both the actors. Africa has seen the diplomatic approach of the subcontinent based on constant reliance as an ally. Aiding in the economic hardship of the African states in the 1970s, meeting of Non- Aligned Summit in 1979, The Caracas Program of Action in 1981 and collective step towards South- South Cooperation and enactment of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965 is proof of India’s active political involvement in the region[9]. In terms of supporting security, opposing the minority regimes of Portuguese Africa, Angola, and Mozambique, and contributing to the United Nations peacekeeping operation (ONUC) during the Congo crisis between 1960 and 1965 is fact of India’s agenda of democratic stability in Africa[10]. High- level bilateral meetings along with cordial relations have been seen in the three India- Africa Forum Summits since 2008. New Delhi’s “Multi Alignment Foreign Policy”, as put forward under the Special Commonwealth Africa Assistance Program (SCAAP), highlights the essentiality of the narrative of development and peace for New Delhi in Africa[11].
Apart from these traditional parameters of economic and cultural diplomatic ties, joint defence exercises and training of officers are part of deepening of defence ties in Eastern and Western African states. These military ties will ultimately provide India with the stance of a net security provider for African nations. Major challenges of terrorism and piracy are part of India’s global counter- terrorism strategy. Defence partnerships with Zambia, Nigeria, Ghana, Ethiopia, Botswana, Uganda, Namibia and Mozambique comprise the existing military tie[12]. Military academy in Ethiopia and defence and Naval war college in Nigeria emphasis on the likes of rising attacks of Al- Shabab and Boko Haram’s activity in the region[13]. This narrative of setting up academic institutions was taken when an air force base was set up in Ghana along with joint military exercises[14]. Institutional and logistical developments are part of the overarching framework of military partnership. Under the International Solar Alliance, a revival of cooperation in areas of solar energy, digital technology and traditional military development seek a higher trajectory in the military partnerships. Indian- African Forum Summit- 3 (IAFS 3) marked the period of highest point of India- Africa dialogue on development[15]. Along with economic and social support, initiating deepening military ties fulfilled the objective of multi- alignment foreign policy among both the actors. IAFS -3 was also essential in terms of setting up the future targets and goal for India- Africa partnership. Commitments on the newly formalized accounts of strategic and security developments, establishing the comparative framework till IAFS 4 in 2020[16]. Investment of USD $10 billion, along with the commitment of USD 6.4 billion under the Indian Lines of Credit was targeted to compete more than 40,000 slots of training and capacity building under IAFS- 3[17]. Flagship projects of Agenda 2063 and African Union Continent Framework tend to assist African and India for completing the target framework[18]. This also allowed for both the regions to put up with additional missions in Africa and entry into the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). AfCFTA was sided alongside Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s guiding principles of India’s engagement with Africa in 2018. India’s siding with AfCFTA and Africa 2063 Agenda is the first agreement that not only boosts economic and social development in Africa and India and bridging all gaps that remain in terms of strategic strengthening between the continent and subcontinent[19]. African Union Peace and Security Council’s 2020 agenda sets out to tackle the proliferation of rising terror camps and insurgencies in the continent[20]. These concerns are believed by the African Union to be met with hosting foreign military bases and closely monitor the movement of weapons being smuggled and trafficked in the continent. Northern Mozambique hosted the Russian MiG- 29 and Su- 24 warplanes conducting trial missions in Libya along with support for Kremlin- packed private military forces[21]. Chinese military presence in the Horn of Africa since 2008 and extended deployment of 26,000 military personnel in various military operations has seen that similar presence in Sahel and participating in multinational anti- piracy missions[22]. This military expansionary policies of China and rising threat of terror has opened a new scale for New Delhi to focus upon this pillar in the emerging relations.
India’s increased naval presence in Africa and across the Indian Ocean Region has allowed the subcontinent to establish a network of military bases and operations. With deployments that will emphasize on monitoring the region and regional developments in Horn of Africa and Madagascar and in 2020 India’s Maritime development under Ocean Services, Modelling, Application, Resources and Technology (O-SMART) schemes targeted to establish 32 coastal radar surveillance stations with sites in Seychelles, Mauritius and outside the coastal area of Africa[23]. In 2019, first ever Africa- India Field Training Exercise 2019 or AFINDEX- 19 was conducted at Indian Army’s Aundh Military Station in Pune, Maharashtra[24]. Participation of Benin. Botswana, Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe which as Lt. Col. Mohit Vaihnava described it as the biggest field training participation from African continent. Part of 2014’s objectives of government was intensified by AFINDEX and IAFS- III of 2015 vision of inclusive military training was achieved by AFINDEX[25]. 6th February 2020, inaugural India- Africa Defence Ministers’ Conclave (IADMC), marked the recent and one of most influencing initiative to enhance defence relations[26]. This fresh initiative means that the narrative New Delhi is prescribing is much more based on dialogue and inclusiveness. Conclave’s 14 participating countries are believed to collectively challenge the common security challenges in parts of the Horn of Africa, North Africa, West Africa, Sahel and the region of Great Lakes. Operational mechanism that the conclave targeted was to increase India’s engagement regarding African Peace and Security Architecture for Conflict Resolution and Peacekeeping in the Continent. Pan- Maritime Strategy also known as 2050 Africa's Integrated Maritime Strategy[27]. This objective was considered with Indian Navy as the first international responder in Cyclone Idai in Mozambique in 2019 and considering the initial success of AFINDEX- 19, the idea of humanitarian assistance sought participation along the lines of mutual interest and cooperation[28]. “Silencing Guns: Creating Conducive Conditions for African Development '', part of African Union priority theme in 2020, was incorporated with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) in the conclave[29]. What is also expected out of the engagement is the fact that engagement is to alleviate African states out of “debt- trap diplomacy”. Outcome of the conclave saw India's staunch agreement on setting up of defence academics and deployment of training teams and contribution of Indian Defence Forces in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operation in Mozambique and Madagascar. Academics will strive to include the field of peace and security, conflict prevention, peace management and regional cooperation upon the rising threat of extremism. Defexpo 2020 Lucknow also welcomed defence equipment, robust India- Africa Development Partnership, grant assistance and Lines of Credit[30].
India and Africa’s engagement on the lines of defence diplomacy and strategic engagements has been an evolutionary progress. Since the Cold War, the relations have been strong amongst continent and subcontinent. The progression in 21st century international relations has led to development on the lines of militarization and strategic implications. Chinese progression is not in any way a problem for the African states but for India countering Beijing’s influence has been the primary strategic concern. This reason should not shadow over the fact that the counter- terror interest that India has abided by Joint Working Groups on Counter Terrorism/International Terrorism, has been the philosophical step that has been endorsed towards IADMC 2020 and IAFS 2020[31]. Military and security developments will initiate a dawn of diplomatic relations which will tend to formalize a broader global rebalancing. New Delhi’s narrative towards these defence projects is aimed towards empowering and most to exploit or dominate over the idea of self- determination. India’s USD 54 billion investment in Africa is a narrative of expanding its diplomatic presence in the continent[32]. Success of these partnership initiatives and the strength of this cooperation will only be visible if the idea of peace is able to flourish in the region. Even though these engagements might target the Chinese influence, India’s commitment towards these partnerships will be a precedent and value- judgement towards the whole international community. Defence diplomacy brings the stakes of India’s diplomatic outlook as ambassador of peace and stability in the global community.
Notes
[1] Banda, C. P. (August 26th, 2020). “India- Africa Relations: 1947 to Present”. Diplomatist, Development Partnerships.
[2] Viswanathan, H. H. and Bindra, A. (July 2019). “The Ten Guiding Principles for India- Africa Engagement: Finding Coherence in India’s Africa Policy”. Observers Research Foundation, ORF Occasional Paper No. 200/
[3] Mbaku, J. M. (August 5th, 2020). The Controversy over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Africa in Focus, Brookings.
[4] Atti, N. V. (2018). “Chapter 11: IORA, The Blue Economy and Ocean Governance “. Maritime Governance and South Asia, pp- 141- 163.
[5] Basu, N. (2020). “India enhances Ties Across Africa”. The Diplomat.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Op. (Viswanathan, H. H. and Bindra, A. (July 2019) Cit, ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Sibal, K. S. (September 19th, 2018). “Role of Military Diplomacy as part of India: Foreign Policy”. United Service Institute of India.
[10] Kurzydlowiski, C. (June 27th, 2020). “What can India offer Africa?”. The Diplomat, The Pulse.
[11] Panda, A (March 26th, 2018). “India underscores Indian Ocean First Responder Role after Mozambique Tropical Cyclone”. The Diplomat.
[12] Neethling, T (September 26th, 2020). “Why foreign countries (including India) are jostling to set up military bases in Africa”. Fcroll.in, Geo- Politics.
[13] Op. {(Mbaku, J. M. (August 5th, 2020)} Cit, ibid.
[14] Op. {Panda, A (March 26th, 2018)} Cit, ibid.
[15] (February 6th, 2020). “India to boost defence and military engagement with African Continent”. Deccan Herald, National.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Siddiqui, H (August 27th, 2020). “India extends helping hand to Africa, sends for vehicles for military and civil use to Uganda”. Financial Express.
[18] Ranjan, A (April 1st, 2020). “Enhancing India’s Defense Diplomacy- the Need of the Hour”. CLAWS: Centre for Land Warfare Studies.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Op. Cit, ibid.
[21] Wagner, C (July 9th, 2019). “India’s Africa Policy”. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, SWP Research Paper 2019/RP09.
[22] Gokhale, A. N. (2016). “India’s Erratic Defense Diplomacy: In Need of a Booster Dose”. Handbooks of Indian Defense Policy, Routledge India.
[23] Patel. A (January 3, 2021). “Budget 2021 expectations I Focus should be on achieving Sagarmala targets and increasing autonomy at major ports: ICRA”. MoneyControl, Business.
[24] Chaudhary, R. D. (September 14th, 2019). “African Nations seek wider defense and counter- terror ties with India”. Economic Times, ET Bureau.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Op. {(Neethling, T (September 26th, 2020)} Cit, ibid.
[27] Pant V. H. (October 4th, 2017). “India’s ambitious African outreach”. The Diplomat, The Pulse.
[28] Wagner, C (July 9th, 2019). “India’s Africa Policy”. Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, SWP Research Paper 2019/RP09.
[29] Viswanathan, H. H. and Bindra, A. (July 2019). “The Ten Guiding Principles for India- Africa Engagement: Finding Coherence in India’s Africa Policy”. Observers Research Foundation, ORF Occasional Paper No. 200/
[30] Op. {(Neethling, T (September 26th, 2020)} Cit, ibid.
[31] Ranjan, A (April 1st, 2020). “Enhancing India’s Defense Diplomacy- the Need of the Hour”. CLAWS: Centre for Land Warfare Studies.
[32] Kurzydlowiski, C. (June 27th, 2020). “What can India offer Africa?”. The Diplomat, The Pulse.
Pic Courtesy - Igmar Grewar at unsplash.com
(The views expressed are personal and do not represent the views of CESCUBE or its officials.)
