According to Belt and Road Initiative Sri Lanka (BRISL), a China-oriented consultancy, its mission is to conduct space tracking, research tracking, and satellite control in the northwestern part of the Indian Ocean region [1]. 

Under the banner of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Hambantota port has been regarded as a potential site for military purposes by China. Security concerns regarding Hambantota started after a Chinese state-owned enterprise took over the port in 2016. Under heavy debt from China, Sri Lanka granted a 99-year lease to China Merchants Port Holdings for $1.1 billion. The port takeover became an example of China's debt trap diplomacy. Critics of China, both in India and the USA, pointed out the dual-use application of Hambantota port as a potential naval supply point. However, the Sri Lankan government has pushed back this suggestion saying that the port is a joint commercial venture between China Merchants Port Holdings and Sri Lankan port authorities. This expanding influence of China over Sri Lanka has long been a matter of concern for India.

Citing security concerns, India objected to the ship’s arrival. This objection led the newly formed government under President Ranil Wickremesinghe to ask the Chinese embassy to postpone the port call for the Chinese vessel. Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry in a statement said that the ship was granted permission to dock last month for replenishment but has asked to postpone the visit due to the need for further consultations.

As per Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives in Colombo, the tensions need to be resolved because the Chinese side will not want to appear as backing down. Here, Sri Lanka will have to diplomatically manage its ties with India and China. He further stated that Sri Lanka needs to avoid diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka becoming a zero-sum game where Colombo will have to be either pro-Indian or pro-Chinese [2].

China’s Response:

In response, China has called the efforts of India unreasonable, stating that relevant parties should rationally view China's marine scientific research activities and should not interfere between Sri Lankan and Chinese relations [3]. China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Wang Wenbin, made a statement without mentioning India that it is unjustified to cite the so-called “security concerns” to pressure Sri Lanka. He pointed out that exploiting the vulnerabilities of Sri Lanka is morally irresponsible as the country is going through an economic crisis. Wang Wenbin mentioned that China has always operated under the jurisdiction of coastal states for its research activities, adding that such exchanges and cooperation are not aimed at any third party. Some statements also pointed out Sri Lanka’s economic position arguing that such port calls through services like refueling generate foreign exchange revenue for the host country.

Recent Developments:

Initially, Sri Lanka appeared to have bowed to pressure from India, deferring to allow the vessel to dock at the Hambantota Port [4]. However, the Chinese embassy on 12 August reapplied for clearance to dock under new dates for replenishment purposes. On 13 August, the foreign ministry of Sri Lanka announced the approval of the Yuan Wang 5 to dock at the Hambantota Port between 16 to 22 August after "having considered all material in place" [5]. Allegations from the Chinese side stated that India is responsible for the delay in docking the vessel in Sri Lanka because it is viewed as a spy ship. On the other hand, India objected to the allegations. A spokesperson of India’s Ministry of External Affairs stated, "We reject such insinuations and statements being made about India."

Days before the permitted date to dock at the port, Vice Admiral S N Ghormade, Vice Chief of the Indian Navy, went on a two-day visit to Sri Lanka with the purpose of handing over the Dornier aircraft, a maritime surveillance aircraft to the Sri Lankan Navy [6]. The handover will be done at a ceremony in Colombo in the attendance of the country's top military and civil officials. The Indian Navy has already provided training in operating the maritime surveillance aircraft to a team of the Navy and the Air Force of Sri Lanka. This handover from the Indian inventory will allow Sri Lanka to meet their immediate security requirement. Although there have been no public suggestions of Vice Admiral Ghormade’s visiting Sri Lanka regarding the Yuan Wang 5 issue, the timing and purpose of the visit can be interpreted as India trying to make further attempts to halt the ship's arrival.

The Yuan Wang Naval Fleet:

Yuan Wang 5 is part of the Chinese naval fleet called Yuan Wang, which means "Long View" or "Far Hope." In China, the fleet is referred to as "maritime aerospace survey vessels" carrying "transoceanic aerospace observation and control technology." These are space survey ships that track long and medium-range missiles, spacecraft, and satellites and determine landing zones. The fleet has made significant contributions to Chinese weapons and equipment development capabilities by successfully completing tests for submarine-to-shore guided missile underwater launch, a communications satellite launch, intercontinental ballistic missile full range flight, and a South pole visit. These vessels are deployed to support piloted missions in the southern and western Pacific, southern Atlantic, and Indian Ocean west of Australia [7].

The Yuan Wang 5 is a third-generation model of the Yuan Wang series, commissioned into service on 29 September 2007. Designed by China's 708 Research Institute and built at the Jiangnan Shipyard, the Yuan Wang 5 is meant for missile range instrumentation with sophisticated equipment for launching and tracking rockets and missiles. The ship is a dual-use vessel used for space, satellite tracking, and intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) launches. Within the PLA, the ship is under the command of the Strategic Support Force (SSF), which focuses on cyber warfare, space, and electronic warfare. China has around seven ships in the Yuan Wang series capable of operating throughout the Indian, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans, strengthening China's land-based tracking stations. This class of naval vessels is also employed by the naval forces of France, Russia, India, and the United States. The last monitoring mission of the Yuan Wang 5 was the recent launch of the Long 05 March B rocket [8].

Sri Lanka at the crossroads:

Sri Lanka owes its strategic importance to its two major ports, i.e., the ports of Colombo and Hambantota. It gained prominence during the Cold War because the USA, USSR, and China competed to establish their influence over the state. Further, the island nation is also close to regional markets making the sea lines of communication (SLOC) much more crucial. For Sri Lanka, the Colombo International Financial City and the Hambantota port under the BRI banner, seeking partnership with India, Singapore, and Japan to develop the Trincomalee port and being a founding member of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) shows that it aims to make use of the opportunities provided by the regional competition in Asia [9]. The prioritization of economic diplomacy in Sri Lankan foreign policy has allowed it to emerge as a significant player in the financial hub of the Indian Ocean region. 

Robert Kaplan, in his book The Revenge of the Geography, writes that China has a merchant fleet and aspires for a navy that will protect its interests and trade routes between the Middle East and China's pacific coast. In contrast, India aspires for a Monroe Doctrine-type position from southern Africa to Australia in the Indian Ocean. This overlap of interests fuels the border issues in the Himalayan north. He further mentions that China only seeks to secure its sea lines of communications, but India, on the other hand, feels surrounded. These geopolitical dynamics have put Sri Lanka at the crossroads of a great power struggle.

China’s Interests in Sri Lanka:

Although China's policy in Asia initially focused on Northeast and Southeast Asian regions, Sri Lanka has gained importance in Chinese policy due to its location in the Indian Ocean. The Chinese policy for Sri Lanka has been primarily influenced by five factors [10]. The first factor is its geographical location. Regarding the Middle East and Southeast Asia, it provides direct access to the international route, increasing the security of Chinese trade. The second factor is Sri Lanka's untapped natural resources like iron, hydrocarbon, coal, oil, and natural gas. The third factor is the underlying security threats like narcotics, arms trafficking, terrorism, and piracy. The fourth factor is that Sri Lanka can be an essential player in China's 'Sea Silk Road' (MSR) project. This project seeks to develop the silk road connecting Central Asia and Europe to the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor. Finally, Chinese policy in South Asia is focused on countering India. India’s rise as a significant player in the region with a strong military, economy, nuclear capabilities, and growing strategic partnership with the USA and Japan is a security concern for China. Therefore, establishing Chinese influence in Sri Lanka has become a priority for China.

While projects like the Hambantota Port can be quantified from national sources, doing the same for the cumulative Chinese investment in Sri Lanka is difficult [11]. This is because there is no clear definition of what constitutes a BRI project. For instance, sometimes BRI projects in the media are understood in the sense of infrastructures like airports and harbors, while some also include soft infrastructure like cultural exchanges. Therefore, the estimate of Chinese influence through BRI is unclear which also makes the underlying threats to Indian interests difficult to assess.

Conclusion:

India pressuring Sri Lanka not to allow the docking of Yuan Wang 5 is due to its regional security consideration. This sense of concern is legitimate due to two reasons. First, the Yuan Wang 5, while being called a scientific research vessel, is actually a military vessel under the PLA. Therefore, India cannot discount the possible intention of snooping by the Chinese. Second, India is aware that under any circumstances, China would stride to strengthen its influence over Sri Lanka. Therefore, Chinese investment and development of harbors in Sri Lanka is perceived as an attempt to encircle India under the String of Pearls strategy. Additionally, the geostrategic significance of the Hambantota port makes the Indian concerns credible. In this regard, Vice Admiral S N Ghormade’s visit to Sri Lanka to hand over the marine surveillance aircraft comes at an interesting time. The visit right after the Yuan Wang 5 was granted permission to dock can be perceived as an attempt by India to pull Sri Lanka into its sphere of influence.

Endnotes:

1.       “Sri Lanka Turns Chinese Naval Vessel Away From Port of Hambantota”, The Maritime Executive, 08 August 2022 https://maritime-executive.com/article/sri-lanka-turns-chinese-naval-vessel-away-from-port-of-hambantota

2.     Anjana Pasricha, “Sri Lanka Seeks Delay in Chinese Ship Visit”, Voa News, 09 August 2022 https://www.voanews.com/a/sri-lanka-seeks-delay-in-chinese-ship-visit/6694339.html

3.      “India's pressure on Sri Lanka to defer arrival of Chinese survey ship unreasonable: FM”, Global Times, 08 August 2022 https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202208/1272508.shtml

4.     “Sri Lanka permanently blocks China's spy ship docking at Hambantota Port amid pressure from India”, The Free Press Journal, 06 August 2022 https://www.freepressjournal.in/world/sri-lanka-blocks-chinas-spy-ship-docking-at-hambantota-port

5.     Yeshi Seli, "Sri Lanka gives nod for docking of Chinese 'research' ship at Hambantota port on 16 August", New Indian Express, 13 August 2022 https://www.newindianexpress.com/world/2022/aug/13/sri-lanka-gives-nod-for-docking-of-chinese-research-ship-at-hambantota-port-on-august-16-2487241.html

6.     “Vice Chief of Indian Navy Ghormade begins visit to Sri Lanka; set to hand over Dornier aircraft”, The Print, 15 August 2022 https://theprint.in/india/vice-chief-of-indian-navy-ghormade-begins-visit-to-sri-lanka-set-to-hand-over-dornier-aircraft/1082909/

7.     “Yuan Wang tracking ship”, Global Security https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/china/yuan-wang.htm

8.     Chinese Spy Ship Yuan Wang 5, Journals of India, 03 August 2022 https://journalsofindia.com/chinese-spy-ship-yuan-wang-5/

9.     Barana Waidyatilake, A New Role for Sri Lanka in Asia’s Changing Geopolitics?, German Institute for International and Security Affairs, October 2018 https://www.swp-berlin.org/publications/products/projekt_papiere/Waidyatilake_BCAS_2018_Sri_Lanka_geopolitics_7.pdf

10.  S.Y. Surendra Kumar, “China’s Strategic Engagement with Sri Lanka: Implications for India", Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal, December 2017 https://rpb115.nsysu.edu.tw/var/file/131/1131/img/2374/CCPS-V3N3-Surendra.pdf

11.    Ganeshan Wignaraja, Dinusha Panditaratne, Pabasara Kannangara and Divya Hundlani, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham House, March 2020 https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/CHHJ8010-Sri-Lanka-RP-WEB-200324.pdf

Pic Courtesy-Ling Tang at unsplash.com

(The views expressed are those of the author and do not represent views of CESCUBE.)